Tag: Politics

Blog Series, Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Political Satire & Fiction, Politics, The Bandage Economy

Prologue: The Cedi Vs. The Giants

Dr. George Asiamah

Long before the drums beat at Agyakrom Arena, the fate of Cedi was already whispered in chop bars, lorry parks, and Parliament corridors.

Cedi was no ordinary fighter. He was born in 1965, young and ambitious, wrapped in national pride like kente on Independence Day. At birth, he carried cocoa in one hand, gold in the other, and oil hidden beneath his skin. His parents promised him glory:
“You will stand tall among the giants. You will not beg; you will command.”

But the world is not a fair marketplace. The giants – Dollar, Pound, and Euro – had been in the ring for centuries, bulging with the muscles of empire, trade, and industry. They had their networks, their soldiers, their standards, their debts. They did not just fight with fists; they fought with memories.

Cedi grew up in this world, always smaller, always hustling. Sometimes he rose with swagger, sometimes he fell with shame. He had seen coups and slogans, IMF infusions and debt write-offs, promises and disappointments. He had been bandaged, boosted, and broken more times than the crowd could count.

Yet the people of Agyakrom never gave up on him. Every election, they dressed him in a new uniform, gave him a new commander, and shouted, “This time, he will conquer!” The crowd’s memory was short, but their hope was long.

The arena itself was merciless. Every import, every school fee, every litre of fuel was another punch. Every cocoa harvest, every gold sale, every donor inflow was another jab back. Victories were rare, defeats were common, but the spectacle never ended.

The elders said:

“Sɛ anomaa anntu a, ɔbuada.”
(If the bird does not fly, it starves.)

Cedi might never soar like Dollar or Pound, but he had to perch somewhere sturdy – or risk falling forever.

This is the story of Cedi: a fighter wounded and revived, mocked and applauded, sprinting on borrowed steroids, and finally learning that his survival depends not on miracles but on habits. It is the story of Ghana’s economy, told in the dust and sweat of a ring where applause is loud but stomachs are louder.

The battle of Cedi is not just about exchange rates; it is about identity, resilience, and the stubborn hope of a people who refuse to stop cheering, even when their pockets are empty.

And so, the drums beat again. The giants tighten their gloves. The medics prepare their syringes. The Old Wise Man sharpens his proverbs. And the crowd leans forward, asking the eternal question:

“Can Cedi stand?”

Click to Read Episode One – The Fall of the Cedi

Agyakrom Blog Series, Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Political Satire & Fiction, Politics

Episode 2: At Long Last… Agyakrom is Free!

Dr. George Asiamah

“When the drums of freedom beat, even the slowest beast begins to dance.”

By the early 20th century, young beasts in Agyakrom demanded answers. Beasts who read the colonial scrolls and saw the hypocrisy. Beasts who had drunk both palm wine and European philosophy. Beasts who demanded a Free Jungle.

One of them stood tall.

He was fast.
He was fierce.
He was relentless.

His name? Kwame the Visionary Panther.

Not born into wealth.
Not descended from chieftain trees.
But his speed was unmatched – both in thought and in speech.

He returned from the icy forests of foreign lands with a tail full of socialist theories, a mane full of Pan-African dreams, and a scroll titled “Positive Action.”

The UGCC and the Great Split

Before the Panther returned to Agyakrom, there existed a cautious committee of beasts known as the United Grove for Common Creatures (UGCC). Composed of owls, elder elephants, scholarly squirrels, and coconut-sipping lawyers, this elite circle wanted the colonial zookeeper gone – but politely. Through letters. Through procedures. Through distant petitions and gentlemanly growls.

They needed a spark. A beast with a voice that could rally the groundlings, not just the treehouse elites.

So they summoned the Panther – fresh from foreign groves, fire in his bones, socialism on his breath. Educated in the books of faraway lands, but burning with the fury of local injustice, the Panther spoke not like a bureaucrat, but like a prophet.

At first, he served them dutifully – the UGCC’s roarer-in-chief. But soon, friction brewed. The Panther moved too fast. Dreamed too loud. Called for immediate freedom, while the elders still debated resolutions.

He was bold. They were cautious.

He roared: “Self-rule now! Not next year, not when approved by colonial tail-waggers. Now!”

And so he broke off. He formed his own rebel camp. He built the Crop Protection Party (CPP) – a movement not of parchment and protocol, but of farmers, fisher-beasts, and furious youth.

He mobilised monkeys in the markets, drummers in the bush, cocoa porters, cassava vendors, and even the goats who had never been counted in jungle censuses.

Positive Action and the Beast Awakening

Under the Panther’s call, the jungle stirred. Farmers refused to send cocoa to colonial depots.
Teachers marched out of classrooms. Market mamas sang protest songs at dawn. Young cubs – who once only fetched water and memorised empire poems – began distributing leaflets and climbing platform trees to speak.

The colonial gatherers and zookeepers panicked. They arrested the Panther.

But that only made him a martyr.

While he sat in silence, his name echoed through the vines. His image spread across banana leaflets. His supporters, fierce and loyal, would not rest.

“Free the Panther!”
“The jungle must be ours!”
“Down with the Bulldog Empire!”

The Election That Changed the Jungle

In 1951, the hunters and the gatherers – realising the jungle’s heat could no longer be managed with cold treaties – organised an election.

The Panther ran from his prison cell.

And he won.

Landslide.

The message was clear: the jungle no longer wanted caretakers in suits.

It wanted leaders who ran with the people.

The Independent Jungle

Right from the start, the Panther did not rest. He dreamt big. Lived large. Built fast.

Banana factories. Coconut oil refineries. Cashew trains stretching across canopy corridors. He constructed cocoa processing hubs. He summoned engineers to build the mighty Volta Dam, a monument to modernity that promised power for all. The Black Star shipping fleet roamed the seas.

He didn’t stop at infrastructure. He wrote books. He launched five-year plans. He gave speeches that turned parrots into philosophers and squirrels into citizens.

African beasts across the continent looked to Agyakrom and said: “If they can run free, so can we.”

The Panther became not just a leader, but a symbol.

His dreams were continental. He envisioned a Union of Forest States. He funded liberation struggles in neighbouring groves. He hosted pan-jungle conferences where beasts debated unity in twenty dialects.

To the West, he was dangerous. To the oppressed, he was divine.

He welcomed revolutionaries.
He built a new capital.
He preached unity.

He declared:

“The independence of Agyakrom is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of the African jungle!”

But… 

JUNGLE WISDOM OF THE DAY

“When the chains fall off the paws, the mind must still unlearn the leash.”

Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Politics, Uncategorised

Episode 1: In the Beginning… There Was a Jungle

Dr. George Asiamah

Every jungle has a history. But not every beast remembers.

Long before thrones, ballots, slogans, and scandals, there was a vast land in the western belly of the African continent – a place of gold, rivers, thick forests, and proud beasts.

They called it Agyakrom.

It was not yet a republic.

It was not yet even a country.

It was a patchwork of powerful animal clans – Asante Porcupines, Ewe Antelopes, Mole-Dagbani Buffalos, Fante Octopuses, Ga jackals, and many more – each with their own kings, traditions, markets, shrines, and seasonal drumbeats.

They lived not in utopia, but in order.

The rivers flowed with rhythm.

The forests echoed with proverbs.

The elders ruled with stools, not scrolls.

And then – the hunters came.

The Coming of the Hunters and Gatherers

No one knows exactly when the first Hunter ship hit the shores. But the river whispers tell of the time when strange, light-skinned creatures – two-legged, clothed in iron and greed – arrived with crosses, coins, and chains.

They came bearing gifts: mirrors, rum, muskets, and the Holy Scroll.

But beneath their cloaks were ledgers.

The jungle called them The Gatherers.

Because that’s what they did.

They gathered:

                  •               Gold from the Lion caves,

                  •               Ivory from the forest bones,

                  •               Palm oil from the Monkey Groves,

                  •               And worst of all, beasts themselves – from the weakest cubs to the strongest buffaloes.

They said they had come to civilise.

But civilisation came with shackles.

For over three hundred rainy seasons, Agyakrom watched its children carried across oceans.

And when the chains were finally lifted, the Gatherers returned – not with whips, but with Rule.

The Jungle Becomes a Colony

They called it a protectorate.

Then a colony.

Then a gold coast – not because of the coast, but because of the gold.

They drew borders like scratch marks on a termite map.

They made laws in languages no beast spoke.

They crowned chiefs they could control.

They introduced currency, courts, and new religion – leaving confusion and conversion in equal measure.

The Jungle Parliament? Replaced by District Commissions.

The beast customs? Replaced by colonial codes.

The jungle’s soul? Traded for infrastructure and flags.

Agyakrom, the free land of many tribes, became a colony.

And the beasts began to forget they were once sovereign.

But as every wise monkey knows:

You can cage a lion, but you cannot silence the growl forever.

The Rise of the Roaring Beasts

By the early 20th century, the jungle began to stir.

Young beasts – some educated abroad, some trained in the colonial classrooms, others shaped by the fireside wisdom of their elders – began to ask dangerous questions.

“Why must we fetch water for their baths while our rivers run dry?”

“Why must our cocoa feed their children, but not ours?”

The great independence struggle was born.

JUNGLE WISDOM OF THE DAY

A Beast that forgets where it came from will never know where it is going

Watch Out for Episode 2: The Struggle for Independence

Energy Policy, Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Politics

Pay 1 Cedi to End Dumsor? Structural Constraints vs Fiscal Fixes

Dr. George Asiamah

On 4 June 2025, Ghana’s Parliament passed a controversial bill introducing a one-cedi per litre levy on petroleum products – framed as a necessary intervention to address the ever-growing debt in the energy sector and, ultimately, to end the country’s lingering electricity supply challenges, popularly known as “dumsor.” The ruling NDC government justified the move by pointing fingers at the mismanagement of the previous administration, suggesting that the Energy Sector Recovery Programme had failed to achieve its intended financial restructuring. Now, they argue, it falls upon the public to pay – not for their sins, but for those of their predecessors. The catch? They promise this is the last push, the final Cedi to buy stability. One more sacrifice so we may see the light, literally.

But this move raises deeper questions about Ghana’s fiscal and political architecture, the nature of state-society relations, and the recurring tension between revenue mobilisation and public trust. While on the surface, the D-Levy is merely an energy financing mechanism, at its core, it exemplifies the political economy of managing scarcity, debt, and blame in a fragile democracy. Ghana has been here before. Levies have often emerged as government tools of last resort – temporary solutions that quietly become permanent fiscal burdens. Recall the price stabilisation levy, the sanitation levy, and more recently, the infamous e-levy. Many were billed as short-term interventions. Few were repealed. Even fewer were transparently accounted for.

To understand the deeper dilemma, one must examine the contradiction embedded in this levy. On the one hand, government presents it as an unavoidable necessity – the only path to restructuring the crippling legacy debt owed to Independent Power Producers (IPPs), fuel suppliers, and financiers. On the other, it insists that the cost to consumers will be negligible because the Cedi has recently appreciated, causing a marginal drop in pump prices. This is a risky fiscal narrative. It assumes currency appreciation is stable, and that petroleum product prices are not volatile. But in Ghana, neither is guaranteed. In fact, both are shaped by exogenous global shocks, domestic political risks, and structural vulnerabilities. To peg the justification for a permanent levy to a temporary macroeconomic blip is, at best, politically disingenuous.

Moreover, this levy arrives at a time when the government is trying to demonstrate that it is reversing some of the more unpopular decisions of the previous regime. The removal of the e-levy, a tax on electronic transactions, was lauded as a win for ordinary Ghanaians. But with the new D-Levy, critics argue, the government has merely shifted the burden from the digital economy to the pump. As some have quipped, “E-levy out, Dumsor D-Levy in.” The logic of this substitution is hardly comforting. For many households and informal sector workers, the increase in transport fares triggered by the levy could be more punitive than the e-levy they celebrated seeing repealed. The narrative, then, becomes one of robbing Peter to pay Paul, all under the guise of energy stability.

The political economy implications are profound. First, the D-Levy reinforces a trend in Ghanaian fiscal policy where governments resort to indirect taxes and levies to fund structural inefficiencies, rather than addressing the root causes. These include overcapacity in power generation, misaligned procurement contracts, and opaque financial arrangements with IPPs. Second, it exposes the failure of successive governments to ringfence public funds or build institutional trust. Civil society actors have long complained about the lack of transparency in how energy levies are spent. Audits are sporadic, reports often withheld, and public oversight weak. In this environment, even a well-meaning levy appears predatory.

Finally, this situation raises philosophical questions about who bears the cost of public failure in Ghana. Is it fair to ask today’s citizens to fund yesterday’s poor contracts, bloated power deals, and policy inertia? And if so, where is the evidence that this new stream of revenue will be managed differently? The D-Levy is not just about energy – it is about the moral and institutional legitimacy of governance. It is about the citizen’s role not just as taxpayer, but as shareholder in a public enterprise that seems to suffer from chronic mismanagement. If the goal is to end dumsor, then fiscal tools must be matched with structural reforms, transparency, and a governance model that rewards efficiency rather than excuses it.

In the end, Ghana’s energy future cannot be levied into stability. It must be planned, trusted, and built. A one-cedi solution to a multi-billion dollar governance problem may win a few political points in the short term. But without systemic reform, it risks becoming just another levy in the dark.

Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Politics

Don’t Bet on the Cedi… It Has Mood Swings

Dr. George Asiamah

In Ghana, we celebrate the cedi’s short-term gains like a political victory parade. And in 2025, the band is playing again. The cedi has appreciated by over 24% against the US dollar in just a few months, dropping from over GH₵16 to around GH₵10.35. On the surface, this looks like redemption. A national comeback. Proof that the “economic management team” is finally awake.

But before we start naming our kids after the Finance Minister, and nominate the currency for the Nobel Prize in Economic Recovery, let’s take a hard, analytical look. Because history – and economic logic – tell us this performance is more likely to be a sugar rush than a sustainable meal.

Here’s why:

Supply of Dollars Will Begin to Dry Up

When a currency appreciates sharply in a short period, it disturbs the natural rhythm of the market. Those who hold dollars become hesitant. If you had dollars at GH₵16 and now it’s GH₵13, you’re not going to rush and exchange. You’ll wait – watching nervously, hoping the cedi will slide again so you can recover your margin. This behavior is natural, and it immediately begins to choke supply.

Remittance flows, a critical lifeline of Ghana’s forex market, also respond negatively. When the cedi is weak, sending money from abroad makes sense. For instance, if someone sending $100 previously got GH₵1,600 but now gets only GH₵1,300, they may wait or send less. Some may delay their projects, especially, if the appreciation of the currency does not correspond to reduction in price of goods. That is to say, whenever there is a sharp appreciation of a currency, inflows naturally slow, and another source of foreign currency begins to dry up.

Exporters, too, feel the pinch. When they convert their dollar earnings into cedis at a weaker rate, they earn more. But with this new wave of appreciation, their revenue in local currency shrinks. Rational business people do what rational business people do: they delay repatriation, under-invoice their exports, or keep funds abroad. Again, this starves the market of much-needed forex.

Demand for Dollars Will Start Creeping Up

While the supply side begins to strain, the demand side quietly builds up pressure. A stronger cedi means cheaper imports. For a heavily import-dependent country like Ghana, this spells trouble. As imports become more affordable, importers begin to order more – everything from electronics and machinery to fuel and food. This increased demand for dollars puts pressure back on the very currency that was just gaining strength.

Then comes the speculator class. These actors don’t buy into the hype – they’ve seen this before. Every sharp appreciation, they argue, is a temporary market sugar high. So while everyone else is praising the finance ministry, speculators begin to quietly accumulate dollars, betting on the inevitable reversal. And they are often right. Once the market begins to sense that the rally is over, the panic starts. Importers scramble for dollars. Parents looking to pay school fees abroad rush to buy. Businesses accelerate their purchases. The psychology shifts from confidence to fear, and in that moment, the cedi starts its descent.

The Invisible Hand the Gravity of Reality

This isn’t a new story. In 2015, the cedi surged in June, and by August, it had fallen just as sharply. In 2022, the same pattern repeated. There’s nothing uniquely 2025 about this. We are simply watching the same script play out, only with new actors and slightly different lines.

What’s often missing in these debates is the understanding that the market, like nature, abhors imbalance. Adam Smith called it the “invisible hand.” But let’s call it what it is – gravity. You can push the cedi up with policy tools, foreign inflows, gold-for-oil arrangements, or central bank interventions. But if the structural foundations aren’t strong – if your economy still imports more than it exports, still depends on remittances and commodity booms, still lacks industrial depth – then the appreciation is merely a balloon on a windy day.

Eventually, gravity wins.

So yes, you may clap for the cedi now. You may tweet, “Ato Forson is the man!” or argue over whether Bawumia could’ve done this. But remember: unless we fix the fundamentals, every sharp rise will end with a fall. That’s not cynicism – it’s economics. And unlike politics, economics doesn’t campaign. It simply responds.

Ghana News, Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Politics

The Cedi is Smiling – But Should We…?

Dr. George Asiamah

Over the past month, Ghanaians have witnessed a sharp appreciation of the Cedi. All the major trading currencies, especially the US Dollars, are now being humbled by our currency – causing ripples of excitement across radio shows, social media, and street corners. In a country where exchange rate movements are treated with the same passion as Black Stars matches, the recent cedi performance is naturally triggering political bragging rights.

With the NDC back in office for less than six months, some supporters have already crowned Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson the miracle worker. “What Bawumia and Ofori-Atta couldn’t do in 8 years, Ato Forson has done in 6 months!” is the new anthem of partisan pride. But while we celebrate with dancing emojis and #CediIsBack hashtags, let’s take a breath – and a glance into our rearview mirror.

Because we’ve been here before.

Déjà vu, Anyone?

In President Mahama’s first term (2012–2016), Ghanaians saw similar episodes. At one point in 2014, the cedi lost nearly 40% of its value – then made a dramatic comeback after the Bank of Ghana injected dollars and tightened monetary policy. The then Finance Minister, Seth Terkper, even launched the now infamous “Home Grown Policies” programme – celebrated by some, criticized by others, and followed by an IMF bailout.

Each time the cedi gained strength, we thought the corner had been turned. Each time, the dollar eventually reminded us who was boss.

Even under the Akufo-Addo/Bawumia administration, the cedi had its brief “honeymoon” phases – especially after Eurobond inflows, syndicated cocoa loans, or IMF disbursements. The currency appreciated, optimism surged, but then came the reversals. These were not failures of specific finance ministers alone – they were reflections of a structural vulnerability that runs deep in the Ghanaian economy.

Political Football or Economic Fundamentals?

The temptation to turn every uptick into a partisan football match is strong. We know the rules: If the cedi falls, blame the Finance Minister. If it rises, crown him saviour. But currency strength isn’t the product of charisma or political proximity to President Mills’ ghost. It’s about fundamentals, market confidence, and often, external factors we can’t control.

No doubt, the new finance minister deserves credit for calming the markets. His tone has been measured, his statements less performative than his predecessors’, and his initial actions suggest an effort to restore fiscal discipline. That said, the real test will come in:

  • Managing debt repayments without mortgaging future revenues;
  • Growing domestic production to reduce reliance on imports;
  • Expanding the tax base without stifling growth;
  • And reforming institutions to prevent future macroeconomic shocks.

Can the NDC administration resist the political pressure to over-spend ahead of elections? Can it negotiate smartly with the IMF, without triggering public backlash or social unrest? Can it shield the poor while implementing structural reforms?

That’s where the actual battle lies – not in the month-to-month dance of the exchange rate.

What Are the Real Indicators?

Is inflation down sustainably? Are we exporting more than we import? Is the tax base broadening? Are we reducing our debt-servicing burden, or merely refinancing it? These are the indicators that will tell us whether this cedi appreciation is a trend or a teaser.

We’re also yet to see the full fiscal picture. The mid-year budget will be the real test of Ato Forson’s strategy. Will he cut politically costly subsidies? Will he resist the temptation of printing money to fund populist programmes? Will he negotiate with external creditors and investors in ways that secure both debt relief and investor confidence?

These are not six-month miracles. They are long-haul battles. And even a sharp appreciation, while psychologically soothing, can come with side effects — for example, harming export competitiveness or disincentivising diaspora remittances.

A Time for Humility, Not Hype

Ghana’s economic story is complex. The cedi’s behaviour is not an emotional teenager reacting to the Finance Minister’s tone of voice; it is a reflection of deep-rooted structural issues, geopolitical dynamics, and market sentiments.

If history teaches us anything, it is that premature jubilation often precedes disappointment. So, while we appreciate the short-term gains — and God knows we needed some good news — we must resist the urge to confuse symptom relief with full recovery.

Dr. Ato Forson may well prove to be one of Ghana’s most effective Finance Ministers. But let’s give him the space and time to actually do the work, not just benefit from a temporary upswing and social media applause.

As the saying goes, “When the rain drizzles in the dry season, don’t start planting your maize just yet.”

So to my fellow Ghanaians, breathe… but don’t break into azonto just yet. The economic battle isn’t won on the forex charts of May 2025. It’s fought — and won — in the policies, institutions, and choices that shape the months and years ahead.

Election 2024, UK Politics

A Deep Dive into the 2024 UK General Election: What’s at Stake?

Dr. George Asiamah

As the UK approaches the 2024 general election, the political landscape is charged with a sense of urgency and uncertainty. The choices voters make in this election will not only determine the direction of the country for the next five years but could also have lasting impacts on the nation’s social, economic, and environmental fabric. This election is a critical juncture, laden with complex issues and competing visions for the future.

At the forefront of the debate is the economy, a topic that has dominated political discourse. The Conservatives, led by Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, have focused on tax cuts as a means to stimulate economic growth. Their manifesto promises reductions in income tax and corporation tax, aiming to put more money into the pockets of individuals and businesses. The underlying philosophy is clear: lower taxes will lead to increased spending and investment, thereby boosting the economy. However, this approach has been met with skepticism. Critics argue that tax cuts primarily benefit the wealthy and corporations, widening the gap between rich and poor. The question remains whether this trickle-down approach can truly address the economic challenges faced by ordinary citizens.

On the other hand, the Labour Party, under Keir Starmer, has proposed a more redistributive economic policy. Labour’s focus is on increasing public spending, particularly in health and education, funded by higher taxes on the wealthy and large corporations. Their argument is that by investing in public services and infrastructure, the government can create a more equitable society and sustainable economic growth. This philosophy is rooted in the belief that a strong welfare state is essential for social cohesion and economic stability. However, this approach is not without its critics, who warn that higher taxes could stifle business investment and economic dynamism.

Health care is another pivotal issue in this election. The NHS, long considered a cornerstone of British society, is under immense pressure. The Conservatives have pledged to increase funding and improve efficiency within the NHS, but their track record has been marred by accusations of underfunding and mismanagement. Labour, conversely, has committed to a substantial increase in NHS funding, aiming to reduce waiting times and improve patient care. They also plan to address the staffing crisis by recruiting more health workers and improving their pay and conditions. The practical implications of these policies are significant: while increased funding and recruitment are urgently needed, the source of this funding and its long-term sustainability remain contentious.

Immigration has emerged as one of the most hotly debated topics in this election. The UK has seen a sharp rise in both legal and illegal immigration, leading to polarised opinions on how to manage this influx. The Conservatives have taken a hardline stance, advocating for stricter controls and the controversial Rwanda Bill, which aims to deport illegal immigrants to Rwanda. This policy has been criticised as inhumane and impractical, with opponents arguing that it fails to address the root causes of immigration and asylum seeking. Labour has taken a different approach, proposing to scrap the Rwanda Bill and instead focus on returning illegal immigrants to their home countries. They also advocate for a more compassionate and efficient asylum system, as well as a cap on legal migration. This pragmatic stance aims to balance the need for immigration control with the recognition of the UK’s humanitarian responsibilities.

The environment, once a prominent issue in British politics, appears to have taken a back seat in this election. Both major parties have been criticised for their lack of ambitious environmental policies. The Conservatives have issued new oil licenses, signaling a continued reliance on fossil fuels, while Labour has abandoned its £28 billion investment pledge for a green transition. This retreat from environmental commitments is alarming in the context of the global climate crisis. Practical examples of the consequences of such neglect are evident in the increasing frequency of extreme weather events, which have devastating impacts on communities and economies alike.

A close examination of the manifestoes of the major parties reveals stark differences in their visions for the future. The Conservatives’ manifesto emphasizes economic growth through deregulation and tax cuts, with a focus on traditional industries such as finance and fossil fuels. Their policies are geared towards maintaining the status quo and supporting established economic structures. Labour’s manifesto, in contrast, is more progressive, with a strong emphasis on social justice and public investment. They advocate for a transition to a green economy, improved public services, and a fairer distribution of wealth.

The interplay between these themes – economy, health, immigration, and the environment – reflects broader ideological divides. The Conservatives’ approach is grounded in neoliberal principles, prioritising market solutions and individual responsibility. Labour, on the other hand, champions a more collectivist vision, emphasizing the role of the state in ensuring social welfare and environmental sustainability. These philosophical differences are not merely abstract; they have concrete implications for policy and governance.

A critical question arises: has the economy taken precedence over all other issues in this election? There is a strong argument to be made that it has. Economic policies are at the forefront of both parties’ campaigns, and the discourse around tax cuts, public spending, and fiscal responsibility dominates the political narrative. This focus is understandable given the economic challenges the UK faces, including inflation, stagnant wages, and rising living costs. However, the prioritisation of economic issues can lead to the marginalisation of other crucial areas, such as health care and the environment, which are inextricably linked to economic well-being.

In practical terms, the policies proposed by both parties must be evaluated not just on their ideological merits, but also on their feasibility and potential impact. For instance, tax cuts proposed by the Conservatives need to be scrutinised for their long-term fiscal sustainability and their actual effect on economic inequality. Similarly, Labour’s ambitious plans for public investment must be assessed for their practical implementation and funding mechanisms.

As voters head to the polls, they must navigate this complex landscape of competing visions and promises. The 2024 election is not just about choosing a government for the next five years; it is about setting the course for the future of the UK. The choices made will reflect broader societal values and priorities – whether the focus is on economic growth at any cost, a commitment to social justice and public welfare, or a balanced approach that integrates economic, social, and environmental considerations.

Ultimately, this election is a test of the UK’s democratic values and the responsiveness of its political system to the needs and aspirations of its citizens. It is a moment of critical reflection on the kind of society the UK wants to be and the legacy it wishes to leave for future generations. As such, every vote cast is not just a choice between parties and policies, but a statement of belief in a particular vision of the future. The stakes could not be higher, and the responsibility could not be greater.

Ghana's Political Economy, Ghanaian Politics, Politics

Ghana’s Economic Crisis: Is Dr. Bawumia Really to Blame?

Dr. George Asiamah

In the realm of Ghanaian politics, few figures have seen their reputations transform as dramatically as Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia. Once hailed as the economic messiah, Bawumia rode a wave of optimism and high expectations when he assumed the role of Vice President in 2017. His economic credentials and promises of transformative policies positioned him as a beacon of hope for many Ghanaians. However, fast forward to the present, and the economic landscape has shifted dramatically. With the country grappling with significant economic challenges, the once-revered Bawumia is now the subject of widespread criticism. But is it fair to place the blame for Ghana’s economic crisis squarely on his shoulders?

To understand the current economic situation and Bawumia’s role in it, we must first revisit the context of his rise to prominence. Dr. Bawumia entered the political arena with a robust academic background and considerable experience in economic policy. His tenure at the Bank of Ghana and his work with international financial institutions gave him a reputation for expertise that was unmatched by many of his peers. When he was selected as the running mate for Nana Akufo-Addo in the 2016 elections, it was clear that the New Patriotic Party (NPP) was banking on his economic prowess to turn around the fortunes of the nation.

Upon assuming office, Bawumia’s initial efforts appeared promising. He championed various reforms aimed at stabilising the economy, reducing inflation, and fostering growth. His policies on financial inclusion and digitalisation, such as the mobile money interoperability system, were hailed as innovative steps towards modernising Ghana’s economy. For a while, it seemed that Bawumia was delivering on his promises. However, the economic realities of governance soon began to test his capabilities.

The global economic environment has always had a significant impact on Ghana’s economy. Factors such as fluctuations in commodity prices, especially for cocoa and gold, have historically influenced economic stability. The COVID-19 pandemic, which erupted in 2020, dealt a severe blow to economies worldwide, and Ghana was no exception. The pandemic disrupted supply chains, reduced economic activity, and necessitated increased government spending to mitigate its effects. These external shocks contributed to a strained economic environment, complicating Bawumia’s efforts to maintain stability.

Internally, Ghana’s economy faced structural issues that predated Bawumia’s tenure but which he had to contend with. The country’s debt levels have been a persistent concern, with successive governments borrowing to finance development projects. While infrastructure development is crucial, the accompanying debt burden has often led to economic constraints. Bawumia inherited an economy already grappling with these challenges, and his policies, though well-intentioned, had to navigate this complex landscape.

One of the central criticisms leveled against Bawumia is the perceived disconnect between his promises and the outcomes. Critics argue that despite his assurances, the economic indicators have not improved as expected. Inflation has remained a thorny issue, with prices of essential goods and services continuing to rise, impacting the everyday lives of Ghanaians. The depreciation of the cedi, Ghana’s currency, against major international currencies has further exacerbated the situation, increasing the cost of imports and contributing to inflationary pressures.

However, attributing these economic woes solely to Bawumia overlooks the multifaceted nature of economic governance. The Vice President, while influential, operates within a broader government framework where various actors and factors play critical roles. Fiscal policy, largely driven by the Ministry of Finance, and monetary policy, managed by the Bank of Ghana, both significantly impact economic outcomes. Bawumia’s influence, though notable, is part of a collective effort that includes other key players in the government.

Moreover, economic policy implementation is not an instant process. The effects of policy changes often take time to manifest fully. Some of Bawumia’s initiatives, particularly in the digitalisation space, are long-term projects whose benefits may not be immediately visible. The push for a cashless society and the integration of digital technologies into various aspects of the economy are ambitious undertakings that require sustained effort and time to yield significant results.

The political dimension of Bawumia’s predicament cannot be ignored. In the high-stakes arena of Ghanaian politics, economic performance is a critical determinant of public perception and electoral success. As the Vice President and a prominent figure in the ruling NPP, Bawumia is a natural target for political opponents seeking to undermine the government’s credibility. The narrative of failure, therefore, serves not only as an economic critique but also as a strategic tool in the political contest for power.

Furthermore, the expectations placed on Bawumia were extraordinarily high. His branding as an economic savior created a perception that he had almost magical abilities to fix the economy. Such expectations were always unrealistic and set the stage for disappointment. The complexities of economic management, especially in a developing country with numerous structural challenges, mean that no single individual, regardless of expertise, can singlehandedly transform the economy.

In analysing Bawumia’s role and responsibility for the economic crisis, it is essential to adopt a balanced perspective. While he is undoubtedly a significant player and his policies and decisions have impacted the economy, the broader context in which these policies were implemented must be considered. External economic shocks, pre-existing structural issues, and the collaborative nature of governance all contribute to the current situation.

Moving forward, it is crucial for Ghana to adopt a holistic approach to economic management. This involves not only addressing immediate challenges but also implementing long-term strategies to build resilience and foster sustainable growth. Strengthening institutions, enhancing transparency and accountability, and promoting diversification of the economy are critical steps in this process. The lessons from the current crisis should inform future policies, ensuring that the economy is better prepared to withstand shocks and uncertainties.

Dr. Bawumia’s journey from economic messiah to embattled Vice President is a reflection of the broader complexities of governance and economic management. While his tenure has seen both achievements and setbacks, it is clear that the challenges facing Ghana’s economy cannot be attributed to him alone. A nuanced understanding of the factors at play and a collective effort to address them are essential for the country’s progress.

Overall, while Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia’s role in the current economic crisis is significant, it is not singularly determinative. The economic challenges Ghana faces are the result of a confluence of internal and external factors, structural issues, and policy decisions that extend beyond any one individual. Blaming Bawumia alone oversimplifies the complexities of economic governance and overlooks the collaborative nature of government operations. It is essential to move beyond the scapegoating and focus on comprehensive strategies to build a more resilient and prosperous economy for all Ghanaians.

Ghanaian Politics, Politics

The Rise of Nana Kwame Bediako: A Genuine Leader or a Populist?

Dr. George Asiamah

In Ghanaian political landscape, new figures occasionally emerge, promising to shake up the status quo and offer fresh perspectives. One such figure is Nana Kwame Bediako, popularly known as Cheddar, a man who has swiftly risen to prominence, particularly among the youth. But as his star ascends, questions arise: Is Cheddar a genuine leader with a vision for Ghana’s future, or is he merely a populist, capitalising on discontent and making grand promises that lack substance?

Nana Kwame Bediako is a charismatic entrepreneur and philanthropist. His appeal lies largely in his success story, which resonates deeply with many Ghanaians. His business ventures, particularly in real estate and technology, showcase his entrepreneurial acumen and have garnered him considerable wealth and influence. Cheddar’s foray into politics has been marked by a savvy use of social media and public appearances to cultivate an image of a man of the people. He speaks directly to the frustrations and aspirations of Ghana’s youth, a demographic that constitutes a significant portion of the population. With unemployment rates high and economic opportunities limited, young Ghanaians are desperate for change, and Cheddar’s message of empowerment and innovation strikes a chord.

One of the key aspects of Cheddar’s appeal is his promise to address the economic challenges facing the country. He speaks passionately about the need for economic transformation, emphasising entrepreneurship, technological advancement, and education as pillars of his vision. His rhetoric suggests a deep understanding of the structural issues that hinder economic growth and a commitment to implementing policies that can drive sustainable development.

However, it is essential to scrutinise whether Cheddar’s promises are backed by concrete plans and realistic strategies. Populist leaders often gain traction by offering simple solutions to complex problems, and it remains to be seen whether Cheddar can translate his ideas into actionable policies. His emphasis on entrepreneurship, for example, is laudable, but fostering a thriving entrepreneurial ecosystem requires more than just encouraging people to start businesses. It involves creating an enabling environment with access to capital, mentorship, and markets, as well as addressing systemic issues such as corruption and bureaucratic inefficiencies.

Cheddar’s rise also raises questions about his understanding of governance and his ability to navigate the intricacies of political leadership. Successful entrepreneurship does not necessarily equate to effective governance. The skills required to run a business differ significantly from those needed to manage a country. Governance involves balancing competing interests, making tough decisions, and working within a framework of checks and balances. While Cheddar’s business success is impressive, it does not automatically qualify him to lead a nation.

Moreover, Cheddar’s political rhetoric, while inspiring, sometimes lacks specificity. His speeches and social media posts are filled with motivational language and grand visions, but details on how he plans to achieve these goals are often sparse. This raises concerns about whether his platform is based on substantial policy proposals or if it is merely designed to capture the imagination of disillusioned voters. Take, for example, his brilliant plan to dredge the sea all the way to Kumasi, a landlocked city. I mean, come on, that is pure genius, innit? It is no wonder everyone is rolling on the floor laughing at the sheer brilliance of it all – sarcasm intended. But, on the more serious note, genuine leadership requires not only vision but also a clear and practical roadmap for achieving that vision.

Another critical aspect of Cheddar’s rise is his relationship with existing political structures and elites. Populist leaders often position themselves as outsiders challenging the establishment, but they must also navigate the realities of political alliances and power dynamics. Cheddar’s ability to build coalitions, work with other political actors, and gain the trust of established institutions will be crucial in determining whether he can effect real change or if he will be sidelined by the very system he seeks to reform.

Furthermore, Cheddar’s personal wealth and business interests could potentially pose conflicts of interest. Transparency and accountability are vital in political leadership, and there must be mechanisms to ensure that his business dealings do not unduly influence his political decisions. Already, there have been numerous questions and allegations about his source of wealth. I mean, come on, starting a poultry farm with just a single chicken? That is some real “rags to riches” story right there! And selling scraps to make a million? Sounds like he’s been watching too many episodes of “Trash to Treasure” on TV.

The response of the Ghanaian public to Cheddar’s rise is also telling. While he enjoys significant support among the youth, his appeal among older generations and more conservative segments of society is less certain. Building a broad-based coalition that transcends age, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status will be essential for any leader aspiring to govern effectively. Cheddar’s ability to unite different factions and present a coherent, inclusive vision for Ghana’s future will be a key test of his leadership.

Critics of Cheddar argue that his rise is indicative of a broader trend of celebrity culture infiltrating politics, where charisma and media presence overshadow substantive policy discussions. They caution against the allure of charismatic figures who promise quick fixes but may lack the depth and experience required for effective governance. The history of populist leaders across the globe provides numerous examples of initial enthusiasm giving way to disappointment when rhetoric fails to translate into reality.

In contrast, supporters believe that Cheddar represents a new breed of leader, one who understands the aspirations of the younger generation and is not tainted by the failures of the past. They argue that his business acumen and fresh perspective are precisely what Ghana needs to break free from the cycle of mediocrity and corruption that has plagued its politics. For these supporters, Cheddar is not just a populist; he is a visionary leader capable of driving genuine transformation.

As Cheddar continues to build his political profile, it will be essential to watch how he addresses these critiques and navigates the complexities of leadership. His ability to articulate a clear and detailed policy agenda, demonstrate a commitment to transparency and ethical governance, and build broad-based support will determine whether he is a genuine leader or simply a populist figure.

Overall, Cheddar’s rise in Ghanaian politics is a phenomenon that encapsulates the hopes and frustrations of a significant segment of the population. His message of empowerment and economic transformation resonates deeply with the youth, who are eager for change. However, the true test of his leadership will lie in his ability to move beyond populist rhetoric and deliver tangible results. As Ghana looks to the future, the question remains: Will Cheddar emerge as a genuine leader capable of driving sustainable change, or will he be another in a long line of populist figures whose promises fall short? Only time will tell, but the stakes for Ghana’s future have never been higher.

Uncategorised

John Dramani Mahama: Infrastructural Feats, Economic Challenges, and 2024 Redemption

Dr. George Asiamah

In the annals of Ghana’s political history, the name John Dramani Mahama evokes a sense of paradox. His presidency from 2012 to 2016 was marked by a duality that encapsulates the essence of leadership and its trials. On one hand, Mahama’s tenure was a period of significant infrastructural achievements, a testament to his vision for a modernised Ghana. On the other, the spectre of “dumsor” (persistent power outages) and subsequent economic hardships overshadowed his accomplishments, casting a long shadow over his political legacy. As the 2024 elections approach, Mahama stands at the crossroads of redemption, seeking to leverage his infrastructural feats to reclaim the mantle of leadership.

Mahama’s presidency began with a promise of transformation. Infrastructure became the cornerstone of his administration, with a vision to develop roads, hospitals, schools, and energy projects. Under his leadership, Ghana witnessed the construction of several key infrastructures, including the Ridge Hospital, the University of Ghana Medical Center, and numerous road networks. These projects were not mere facades of progress; they were critical developments aimed at enhancing the nation’s capacity and service delivery. For instance, the Ridge Hospital was upgraded to a state-of-the-art facility, providing much-needed healthcare services to a growing population. The construction of Terminal 3 at the Kotoka International Airport, the expansion of the Tema Port and the construction of the Kwame Nkrumah Interchange further illustrated Mahama’s commitment to infrastructure as the backbone of economic growth.

However, Mahama’s infrastructural achievements were significantly marred by the persistent and severe power outages, known locally as “dumsor,” which plagued Ghana during his presidency. Dumsor became a daily reality for many Ghanaians, affecting households, businesses, and the overall economy. The energy crisis was not merely an inconvenience; it had profound implications for industrial production, small businesses, and the quality of life of ordinary citizens. Industries faced increased production costs due to reliance on alternative power sources, and many small businesses were forced to close, unable to cope with the frequent and prolonged power cuts. This period of darkness, both literal and metaphorical, overshadowed Mahama’s infrastructural strides and became a symbol of his administration’s perceived incompetence.

Economically, Mahama’s tenure was further complicated by a downturn that exacerbated public discontent. High inflation rates, a depreciating currency, and rising unemployment painted a grim picture of the Ghanaian economy. The fiscal deficit ballooned, and public debt soared, leading to an International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout in 2015. For many Ghanaians, these economic hardships were a direct result of poor governance and mismanagement, fueling a narrative of incompetence that Mahama’s opponents were quick to exploit. This economic narrative, combined with the energy crisis, created a powerful and negative perception that proved difficult to shake off.

In the 2016 elections, Mahama faced a resounding defeat to Nana Akufo-Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP). Akufo-Addo’s campaign capitalised on the electorate’s frustration with the economic and energy crises, promising a new dawn of prosperity and stability. The NPP’s victory was seen as a referendum on Mahama’s presidency, with many voters rejecting what they perceived as a legacy of failure. Despite this, Mahama remained a significant figure in Ghanaian politics, continuing to influence discourse and policy within the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

The 2020 elections offered Mahama a chance at redemption. Running once more against Akufo-Addo, Mahama campaigned on his record of infrastructure while promising to rectify past mistakes. The election was fiercely contested, but Mahama ultimately fell short, losing narrowly. The result, however, indicated that a substantial portion of the electorate still resonated with his message and recognized his efforts in nation-building. This close contest set the stage for the 2024 elections, where Mahama seeks to leverage his infrastructural legacy as a key component of his comeback strategy.

Mahama’s vision for a 24-hour economy is central to his 2024 campaign. This ambitious plan aims to transform Ghana into a nation that never sleeps, with continuous economic activities around the clock. The idea is to boost productivity, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth by maximising the use of time and resources. Mahama argues that a 24-hour economy would attract investments, improve public services, and enhance the quality of life for Ghanaians. The concept, while appealing in its potential to revolutionize the economy, faces significant challenges in implementation. It requires substantial improvements in infrastructure, security, and labour regulations to ensure that the workforce is protected and that the necessary services are available around the clock.

Critics, however, remain sceptical of Mahama’s ability to deliver on such grand promises. They point to his previous tenure, where despite notable infrastructural developments, the economy suffered. They argue that the issues of dumsor and economic mismanagement could resurface, undermining the feasibility of a 24-hour economy. Moreover, the nickname “Mahama the Incompetent,” coined by his opponents, continues to linger, serving as a reminder of the challenges he faced during his presidency. Overcoming this negative perception is a significant hurdle for Mahama as he seeks to regain the trust of the electorate.

To counter these criticisms, Mahama has focused on presenting a detailed and pragmatic plan for his 24-hour economy vision. He emphasises the importance of reliable energy supply, improved transportation networks, and enhanced security measures. Mahama argues that his previous infrastructural projects laid the groundwork for this transformation and that lessons learned from past mistakes will guide his approach. He highlights successful 24-hour economies in other countries as models, suggesting that Ghana can adapt similar strategies to its unique context.

Furthermore, Mahama has sought to address the economic concerns by proposing measures to stabilise the economy and promote growth. These include fiscal discipline, investment in key sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing, and initiatives to support small and medium-sized enterprises. Mahama’s campaign also focuses on social policies aimed at reducing poverty, improving education, and expanding healthcare services. By presenting a comprehensive and multifaceted approach, Mahama aims to convince voters that he has the vision and capability to lead Ghana towards a brighter future.

The challenge for Mahama, however, lies not only in articulating his vision but also in convincing a sceptical electorate that he can deliver on his promises. The memory of dumsor and economic hardship remains fresh in the minds of many Ghanaians. Overcoming this scepticism requires a combination of effective communication, concrete policy proposals, and a demonstration of competence and leadership. Mahama’s ability to connect with voters on a personal level, addressing their concerns and aspirations, will be crucial in his campaign.